Moorpark College History Worksheet


Decide which historian’s viewpoint you agree with more, or which interpretation is most appealing.


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1. Singer Sells Sewing Machines to
“Modern” Zulus, 1892
Library of Congress Prints and Photographs Division [LC-USZC4-2763]2. Singer Sells American Notions of Progress
for Women, 1897
World History Archive/Ann Ronan Collection/AGE Foto stock100
3. President William McKinley Asks for War
to Liberate Cuba, 1898
…Our people have beheld a once prosperous community reduced to
comparative want, its lucrative commerce virtually paralyzed, its exceptional
productiveness diminished, its fields laid waste, its mills in ruins, and its people
perishing by tens of thousands from hunger and destitution. We have found
ourselves constrained, in the observance of that strict neutrality which our laws
enjoin and which the law of nations commands, to police our own waters and
watch our own seaports in prevention of any unlawful act in aid of the
The war in Cuba is of such a nature that, short of subjugation or extermina-
tion, a final military victory for either side seems impracticable. The alternative lies
in the physical exhaustion of the one or the other party, or perhaps of both-a
condition which in effect ended the ten years’ war by the truce of Zanjon. The
prospect of such a protraction and conclusion of the present strife is a contingency
hardly to be contemplated with equanimity by the civilized world, and least of all
by the United States, affected and injured as we are, deeply and intimately, by its
very existence….
The grounds for… intervention may be briefly summarized as follows:
First. In the cause of humanity and to put an end to the barbarities, blood-
shed, starvation, and horrible miseries now existing there, and which the parties
to the conflict are either unable or unwilling to stop or mitigate. It is no answer
to say this is all in another country, belonging to another nation, and is therefore
none of our business. It is specially our duty, for it is right at our door.
Second. We owe it to our citizens in Cuba to afford them that protection and
indemnity for life and property which no government there can or will afford,
and to that end to terminate the conditions that deprive them of legal protection.
Third. The right to intervene may be justified by the very serious injury to
the commerce, trade, and business of our people and by the wanton destruction
of property and devastation of the island.
Fourth, and which is of the utmost importance. The present condition of
affairs in Cuba is a constant menace to our peace and entails upon this Gov-
ernment an enormous expense. With such a conflict waged for years in an
island so near us and with which our people have such trade and business re-
lations; when the lives and liberty of our citizens are in constant danger and
their property destroyed and themselves ruined; where our trading vessels are lia-
ble to seizure and are seized at our very door by war ships of a foreign nation; the
expeditions of filibustering that we are powerless to prevent altogether, and the irri-
tating questions and entanglements thus arising all these and others that I need not
mention, with the resulting strained relations, are a constant menace to our peace
and compel us to keep on a semi war footing with a nation with which we are at
This document can be found in John Bassett Moore, A Digest of International Law (Washington, D.C.: Government
Printing Office, 1906), VI, 211-223.
In view of these facts and of these considerations I ask the Congress to authorize
and empower the President to take measures to secure a full and final termination of
hostilities between the Government of Spain and the people of Cuba, and to secure
in the island the establishment of a stable government, capable of maintaining order
and observing its international obligations, insuring peace and tranquillity and the
security of its citizens as well as our own, and to use the military and naval forces
of the United States as may be necessary for these purposes….
4. Governor Theodore Roosevelt Praises the Manly
Virtues of Foreign Intervention, 1899
In speaking to you, men of the greatest city of the West, men of the state which
gave to the country Lincoln and Grant, men who preeminently and distinctly
embody all that is most American in the American character, wish to preach
not the doctrine of ignoble ease but the doctrine of the strenuous life; the life
of toil and effort; of labor and strife; to preach that highest form of success which
comes not to the man who desires mere easy peace but to the man who does not
shrink from danger, from hardship, or from bitter toil, and who out of these wins
the splendid ultimate triumph….
We of this generation do not have to face a task such as that our fathers faced,
but we have our tasks, and woe to us if we fail to perform them! We cannot, if we
would, play the part of China, and be content to rot by inches in ignoble ease
within our borders, taking no interest in what goes on beyond them; sunk in a
scrambling commercialism; heedless of the higher life, the life of aspiration, of toil
and risk; busying ourselves only with the wants of our bodies for the day; until
suddenly we should find, beyond a shadow of question, what China has already
found, that in this world the nation that has trained itself to a career of unwarlike
and isolated ease is bound in the end to go down before other nations which have
not lost the manly and adventurous qualities. If we are to be a really great people,
we must strive in good faith to play a great part in the world. We cannot avoid
meeting great issues. All that we can determine for ourselves is whether we shall
meet them well or ill. Last year we could not help being brought face to face
with the problem of war with Spain. All we could decide was whether we should
shrink like cowards from the contest or enter into it as beseemed a brave and high-
spirited people; and, once in, whether failure or success should crown our banners.
So it is now. We cannot avoid the responsibilities that confront us in Hawaii, Cuba,
Puerto Rico, and the Philippines. All we can decide is whether we shall meet them
in a way that will redound to the national credit, or whether we shall make of our
dealings with these new problems a dark and shameful page in our history. To
refuse to deal with them at all merely amounts to dealing with them badly. We
have a given problem to solve. If we undertake the solution there is, of course,
always danger that we may not solve it aright, but to refuse to undertake the solu-
tion simply renders it certain that we cannot possibly solve it aright.
Theodore Roosevelt, The Strenuous Life and Other Essays (New York, The Century Company, 1900), 4-10.102
The timid man, the lazy man, the man who distrusts his country, the
over-civilized man, who has lost the great fighting, masterful virtues, the ignorant
man and the man of dull mind, whose soul is incapable of feeling the mighty lift
that thrills “stern men with empires in their brains” all these, of course, shrink from
seeing the nation undertake its new duties; shrink from seeing us build a navy and
army adequate to our needs; shrink from seeing us do our share of the world’s work
by bringing order out of chaos in the great, fair tropic islands from which the valor
of our soldiers and sailors has driven the Spanish flag. These are the men who fear
the strenuous life, who fear the only national life which is really worth leading….
…I have scant patience with those who fear to undertake the tasks of gov-
erning the Philippines, and who openly avow that they do fear to undertake it,
or that they shrink from it because of the expense and trouble; but I have even
scanter patience with those who make a pretense of humanitarianism to hide and
cover their timidity, and who cant about “liberty” and the “consent of the gov-
erned,” in order to excuse themselves for their unwillingness to play the part of
men. Their doctrines, if carried out, would make it incumbent upon us to leave
the Apaches of Arizona to work out their own salvation, and to decline to inter-
fere in a
single Indian reservation. Their doctrines condemn your forefathers and
mine for ever having settled in these United States….
I preach to you, then, my countrymen, that our country calls not for the life
of ease, but for the life of strenuous endeavor. The twentieth century looms
before us big with the fate of many nations. If we stand idly by, if we seek
merely swollen, slothful ease, and ignoble peace, if we shrink from the hard con-
tests where men must win at hazard of their lives and at the risk of all they hold
dear, then the bolder and stronger peoples will pass us by and will win for them-
selves the domination of the world.
5. Filipino Leader Emilio Aguinaldo Rallies
His People to Arms, 1899
By my proclamation of yesterday I have published the outbreak of hostilities
between the Philippine forces and the American forces of occupation in Manila,
unjustly and unexpectedly provoked by the latter.
In my manifest of January 8 [1899] last I published the grievances suffered by
the Philippine forces at the hands of the army of occupation. The constant
outrages and taunts, which have caused the misery of the people of Manila,
and, finally the useless conferences and the contempt shown the Philippine
government prove the premeditated transgression of justice and liberty.
I know that war has always produced great losses; I know that the Philippine
people have not yet recovered from past losses and are not in the condition to
endure others. But I also know by experience how bitter is slavery, and by
experience I know that we should sacrifice all on the altar of our honor and of
the national integrity so unjustly attacked.
Major-General E. S. Otis, Report on Military Operations and Civil Affairs in the Philippine Islands, 1899 (Washington, D.C.:
Government Printing Office, 1899), 95-96.
I have tried to avoid, as far as it has been possible for me to do so, armed
conflict, in my endeavors to assure our independence by pacific means and to
avoid more costly sacrifices. But all my efforts have been useless against the
measureless pride of the American Government and of its representatives in these
islands, who have treated me as a rebel because I defend the sacred interests of my
country and do not make myself an instrument of their dastardly intentions….
Be not discouraged. Our independence has been watered by the generous
blood of our martyrs. Blood which may be shed in the future will strengthen
it. Nature has never despised generous sacrifices.
6. The American Anti-Imperialist League
Denounces U.S. Policy, 1899
We hold that the policy known as imperialism is hostile to liberty and tends toward
militarism, an evil from which it has been our glory to be free. We regret that it has
become necessary in the land of Washington and Lincoln to reaffirm that all men,
of whatever race or color, are entitled to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness.
We maintain that governments derive their just powers from the consent of the
governed. We insist that the subjugation of any people is “criminal aggression”
and open disloyalty to the distinctive principles of our Government.
We earnestly condemn the policy of the present National Administration in the
Philippines. It seeks to extinguish the spirit of 1776 in those islands. We deplore the
sacrifice of our soldiers and sailors, whose bravery deserves admiration even in an
unjust war. We denounce the slaughter of the Filipinos as a needless horror. We
protest against the extension of American sovereignty by Spanish methods.
We demand the immediate cessation of the war against liberty, begun by
Spain and continued by us. We urge that Congress be promptly convened to
announce to the Filipinos our purpose to concede to them the independence
for which they have so long fought and which of right is theirs.
The United States have always protested against the doctrine of international
law which permits the subjugation of the weak by the strong. A self-governing
state cannot accept sovereignty over an unwilling people. The United States can-
not act upon the ancient heresy that might makes right.
Imperialists assume that with the destruction of self-government in the
Philippines by American hands, all opposition here will cease. This is a grievous
error. Much as we abhor the war of “criminal aggression” in the Philippines,
greatly as we regret that the blood of the Filipinos is on American hands, we
more deeply resent the betrayal of American institutions at home. The real firing
line is not in the suburbs of Manila. The foe is of our own household. The at-
tempt of 1861 was to divide the country. That of 1899 is to destroy its funda-
mental principles and noblest ideals….
We hold, with Abraham Lincoln, that “no man is good enough to govern
another man without the other’s consent. When the white man governs himself,
Frederic Bancroft, ed., Speeches, Correspondence, and Political Papers of Carl Schurz (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1913),
VI, 77-79.104
that is self-government, but when he governs himself and also governs another
man, that is more than self-government that is despotism. Our reliance is in the
love of liberty which God has planted in us. Our defense is in the spirit which
prizes liberty as the heritage of all men in all lands. Those who deny freedom to
others deserve it not for themselves, and under a just God cannot long retain it.”
We cordially invite the cooperation of all men and women who remain loyal
to the Declaration of Independence and the Constitution of the United States.
7. Secretary of State William Hay Advocates an Open
Door in China, 1899 & 1900
Mr. Hay to Mr. Buck [U.S. Representative in Japan], 1899
This Government, animated with a sincere desire to insure to the commerce and
industry of the United States and of all other nations perfect equality of treat-
ment within the limits of the Chinese Empire for their trade and navigation,
especially within the so-called “spheres of influence or interest” claimed by cer-
tain European powers in China, has deemed the present an opportune moment
to make representations in this direction to Germany, Great Britain, and Russia.
To obtain the object it has in view and to remove possible causes of international
irritation and reestablish confidence so essential to commerce, it has seemed to this
Government highly desirable that the various powers claiming “spheres of interest or
influence” in China should give formal assurances that …The Chinese treaty tariff…
shall apply to all merchandise landed or shipped to all such ports as are within said
“sphere of interest” (unless they be “free ports”), no matter to what nationality it may
belong, and that duties so leviable shall be collected by the Chinese Government.
…They will levy no higher harbor dues on vessels of another nationality
frequenting any port in such “sphere” than shall be levied on vessels of their
own nationality,…
Repeated assurances from the British Government of its fixed policy to
maintain throughout China freedom of trade for the whole world insure, it is
believed, the ready assent of that power to our proposals. It is no less confidently
believed that the commercial interests of Japan would be greatly served by the
above-mentioned declaration, which harmonizes with the assurances conveyed
to this Government at various times by His Imperial Japanese Majesty’s diplo-
matic representative at this capital.
You was the American envoy in are therefore instructed to submit to His Impe-
rial Japanese Majesty’s Government the above considerations….
To Berlin, London, Paris, Rome, St. Petersburg, and Tokyo, 1900
In this critical posture of affairs in China [the Boxer Rebellion and of foreign em-
bassies] it is deemed appropriate to define the attitude of the United States as far as
present circumstances permit this to be done. We adhere to the policy initiated by
us in 1857, of peace with the Chinese nation,…
We regard the condition at Pekin [Beijing] as one of virtual anarchy,
whereby power and responsibility are practically devolved upon the local pro-
vincial authorities. So long as they are not in overt collusion with rebellion and
use their power to protect foreign life and property we regard them as represent-
ing the Chinese people….
The policy of the Government of the United States is to seek a solution
which may bring about permanent safety and peace to China, preserve Chinese
territorial and administrative entity, protect all rights guaranteed to friendly
powers by treaty and international law, and safeguard for the world the principle
of equal and impartial trade with all parts of the Chinese Empire.
8. A Soldier Criticizes American Racism
in the Philippines, 1902
Almost without exception, soldiers and also many officers refer to natives in their
presence as “Niggers,” and natives are beginning to understand what the word
“Nigger” means. The course now being pursued in this province and in the pro-
vinces of Batangas, Laguna, and Samar is in my opinion sowing the seeds for a
perpetual revolution against us hereafter whenever a good opportunity offers.
Under present conditions the political situation in this province is slowly retro-
grading, the American sentiment is decreasing, and we are daily making
permanent enemies. In the course above referred to, troops make no distinction
often between the property of those natives who are insurgent or insurgent sym-
pathizers, and the property of those who heretofore have risked their lives by
being loyal to the United States and giving us information against their country-
men in arms. Often every house in a barrio is burned. In my opinion the small
number of irreconcilable insurgents still in arms, although admittedly difficult to
catch, does not justify the means employed, and especially when taking into
consideration the suffering that must be undergone by the innocent and its
effects upon the relations with these people hereafter.
9. Congress Steers the Philippines Towards Autonomy, 1916
Whereas it was never the intention of the people of United States in the incipi-
ency of the war with Spain to make it a war of conquest or for territorial aggran-
dizement; and
Whereas it is, as it has always been, the purpose of the people of the United
States to withdraw their sovereignty over Philippine Islands and to recognize their
independence as soon as a stable government can be established therein; and

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